John D. Rockefeller Sr., the creator of the Standard Oil empire, was running, with his son, a system that the journalists of the day called “industrial absolutism” and also the “new feudalism.” They could also have called it “company totalitarianism.” For example, in Colorado Fuel & Iron (CF&I), a Rockefeller concern that was one of the biggest companies in the world, the workers were paid a daily wage equivalent to $1.68, with a 12-hour work day, which comes to just 14 c. an hour. But they were not paid in actual dollars. They were paid in company scrip that could only be redeemed in company stores that charged extortion prices, and they lived in miserable company shacks that charged extortion rents. In this way, they became perennially indebted to the company and could not leave. They worshipped in company churches where company-hired pastors officiated the services. They could only read books from the company libraries that were carefully screened so as to purge anything ‘subversive.’ Their children went to company schools.
Lamont Montgomery Bowers, chairman of the board of directors,
“boasted that when he arrived in Denver, the company registered and voted every man and woman in its employ, including the 70 percent who were not even naturalized citizens, and that ‘even their mules… were registered if they were fortunate enough to possess names.’ This political power helped the operators make sure that even the primitive mine safety standards of the time were not enforced; the result was, predictably, an epidemic of accidental deaths and injuries to the workers. The miners had no placed to go to complain. County courthouses, it was commonly said, were like branch offices of CF&I, and local sheriffs enjoyed a status similar to mine superintendents.”
If the workers tried to organize to demand better conditions, the company was ready: “More than 20,000 a year was spent by the company to maintain a force of detectives, mine guards, and spies whose job it was to keep the camps quarantined from the virulence of unionism.” The workers organized anyway, so “the operators in Colorado hired the Baldwin-Felts Detective Agency to spearhead their war against the UMW [United Mine Workers]. Made up of drifters and former gunmen left over from the closing of the West [i.e. from the extermination of the Native American populations], the Baldwin-Felts detectives were more detested than even the strike-breakers that Pinkerton’s had sent into the West.” These ‘detectives’ opened fire on the workers and a massacre resulted that produced a scandal.
The eugenics movement, which sold itself as supposed ‘science,’ and which allowed the US ruling elite to incarcerate anybody it wanted under pretext of ‘social hygiene’ to improve society (one of Rockefeller’s organizations was called the Bureau of Social Hygiene), promised a more effective method for controlling the unruly workers. Rockefeller would spend millions upon millions to create an entire pseudoscientific eugenic structure all over the major US institutions, and would do the same in Europe, especially in Germany.[17a]
“As early as 1922, despite the American political animosity against Germany that remained from World War I, the Rockefeller Foundation, through its Paris office, began funneling exorbitant sums to a committee in Germany headed by a leading eugenicist, Heinrich Poll, who was an adviser to the Prussian Ministry of Health and a lecturer on hereditary traits and feeble-mindedness.”[17b]
Table of Contents
- The CFR: An Introduction
- Who is behind the CFR?
- The eugenics ideology of CFR leaders
- Now, what does this help us explain?